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In these negotiations, we are all Irish, and you have to know that. Ein Zusammenwachsen und der Aufbau Europas sind aus meiner Sicht unausweichlich. Wir sagen in meiner Fraktion: Wir haben erhebliche Zweifel daran, dass das so funktionieren wird. Das haben wir hier oft genug getan. Das ist die Migrationsfrage, das ist der Kampf gegen die Steueroasen, das ist der Kampf gegen die soziale Ungleichheit. Und die EU befindet sich in einer Legitimationskrise.

We all got familiar with your name on the occasion of the Brexit debate, and Ireland is obviously the Member State that will be most affected by it — not just for economic reasons but because this is about peace on the island. Let me just say this: we are at your side on this.

Brexit is a challenge we could have avoided, but it should not detract us from those challenges that are existential to the future of Europe. Allow me, Taoiseach, to mention two of them that I find particularly relevant to Ireland. First, all societies need to find ways to live within the biophysical constraints that nature sets us.

There is simply no way around it. Europe has a choice here — either to become leaders in the ecological transition of all societies, thereby becoming solution providers to the rest of the world — or to stick with the past, thereby becoming solution takers from the rest of the world. From a young, entrepreneurial Prime Minister such as you, I would expect the first option.

Yet, Taoiseach, your government has been sorely lacking ambition on tackling climate change. You said when you became Prime Minister that climate action would be your first priority. It is one of only two countries in the EU that will miss its emission reduction targets. And now your government seeks special deals and exemptions from the quite modest targets.

On a similar line, Prime Minister, your government opposes the waste reduction bill proposed by the Irish Greens, which only aims at bringing your country on a par with best practices across Europe on the way to a more circular economy. Come on, Taoiseach, with its abundant resources for renewable energy, Ireland has the potential to be a pioneer in green transformation.

You will hardly be surprised by the second topic that I want to raise which is, of course, taxation. If we want our single market and single currency to thrive and to deliver benefits to all and not just the richest, we need to stop this race to the bottom on taxation and on social protection. And you know that Ireland often comes to the fore as a tax haven for corporates. Of course, you would argue — and I would agree with you — that several Member States offer real taxation rates to multinationals that are way lower than the Irish nominal And you would say that Ireland should be allowed to find ways to make up for geographical disadvantage.

I agree with all of this, but surely the alternative cannot be between a one—size—fits—all taxation system that would work for the central big and core European countries to the detriment of everyone else and the no—holds—barred tax competition that we have right now.

Instead of playing hold—out, instead of fighting European Commission decisions in court, I would expect Ireland to be at the core of efforts to better cooperate on tax matters in order to give tax justice a chance in Europe.

It is not just our excessive ecological footprint, but also ballooning inequalities that threaten the very existence of all civilised societies. Taoiseach, the European Project is about establishing a lasting peace on our continent through shared prosperity on the one hand and, on the other, through anchoring our societies in the values of freedom, democracy and human rights.

I am very glad that your government wants to ensure the right of women to control their own bodies. I hope that the upcoming referendum will allow your country to make progress in that direction at a time where we see progress in the other direction in too many parts of Europe.

Taoiseach, if you can deploy the same leadership on ecological transition and on tax justice as the one that you have deployed here, you will have done a lot for the European Union. I am sure you can do it. A standing ovation from left and centre and right; Mr Juncker looking joyous! In fact this European project could have no greater, stronger devotee for a militarised, expansionist United States of Europe. In fact, we should call you, I think, a European Unionist — whatever the cost to Ireland may be.

Normally, of course, small countries count for nothing here. Firstly, on the Good Friday Agreement, where, as you know, the European Union had little or nothing to do with it. They were written in at a later stage, but of course, as everyone knows, nothing binds either side to continued membership of the Union, and you know the UK Government intends to fully uphold it. There has been a common travel area between us, of course, for decades, but it is on trade where that border could in some ways be challenged.

And yet it seems to me that you are prepared to put your devotion to the European project above the interest of Irish farmers and other companies too, and I wonder why.

A second referendum forced on their people, conducted on the most unfair, undemocratic lines that I have ever seen. You are part, of course, of a big attempt here and elsewhere to frustrate and to attempt to overturn Brexit. But I fear that you are all working together with Tony Blair and Nick Clegg to make sure we get the worst possible deal.

The difference is, if you force the Brits do it again, there will be a different outcome. When the EU continues on its present course, the future of Europe will be Islamic. That is the objective of the Islamic world, and that is the objective of the EU elite. It is the aim of the open border policy and it is the aim of this criminal mass immigration.

Of course there are casualties of abuse, murder and rape. That is deliberate EU policy. There is only one obstacle on the road to the European caliphate, and that is the patriotic citizens who vote for patriotic parties.

The EU has declared these parties their enemies, their biggest threat. In the EU, the rule of law do not apply to patriots. They are homo sacer. The future of Europe is the caliphate, unless the citizens rise and defend their culture and identity. Diane Dodds NI. Obviously, it is a future with the United Kingdom outside of these institutions, but an important partner in trade, security, research and many other areas.

As in the relationship between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, that future should be characterised by close links, shared values and cooperation.

The outcome of Brexit on the ties between our two countries will serve as a wider test of the credentials of any deal reached between the United Kingdom and the European Union. You have rightly stressed that there should be no hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

The union that matters most to Northern Ireland, both constitutionally and economically, is within the United Kingdom. In focusing on the border, Mr Varadkar, you must not forget the pre-existing relationships, east and west, that are of vital importance to both of our countries.

I hope that we can continue to build that positive future which is vital for peace, security and economic prosperity. First of all, I particularly want to thank almost all the speakers here today for their ongoing support and solidarity with Ireland. I think the best way we can stabilise that part of Europe, those countries that used to be part of Yugoslavia and Albania, is to give them a pathway towards joining the European Union.

On tax, which I know is an issue of contention between many people in this Chamber and in Ireland, the view that we take as a government — and I think it is shared by a lot of governments — is that national taxes should fund national budgets. We do have European taxes at the moment that fund the European budget, or at least in. If you look at the model that exists in the United States, which is a federation after all, there is a lot of tax competition between Member States.

There are federal income taxes and there are state income taxes. There are different sales taxes in different Member States.

As I have said, we have a number of federal taxes, European taxes, already, that fund the EU budget, and that is something that I think works quite well. In terms of the Apple case, it is important not to forget that it is a state-aid case. Technically it is not a tax case, but a state-aid case, and the contention is that Ireland had a special deal with one particular company. That is why that case is being appealed both by Apple and by the Irish Government.

Ultimately, the European courts and the European Court of Justice will make a judgment on that and, whatever that judgment is, our government will accept it. And the money will be held in the escrow account until that decision is made by the European Court of Justice. But, ultimately, that is going to be a matter for those courts to decide.

We have no interest, in fact, in a race to the bottom. Our low corporation tax rate, So if this is a race to the bottom, it is not one that Ireland is going to win. As was mentioned by other speakers, countries like France, just to use one example, have a high corporation profit tax on paper but have so many exemptions and so many different ways not to pay tax that, according to the OECD, their effective tax rate is actually lower than ours.

So if it is a race the bottom, it is not one that Ireland is going to win and, therefore, it is not one that we want to participate in. The future of our economy and the future of our prosperity is going to be much more about human capital and attracting talent and people than attracting companies based on corporate tax rate.

We have already made a number of big changes to our tax policy. There is a bit of hypocrisy about that when you look at the amount of money that we actually collect in terms of corporate taxes versus other countries who collect so much less but yet on paper have a higher tax rate. I think that needs to be challenged. I say that for a very obvious reason: Europeans should not do something unilaterally that only causes other countries that are not part of the European Union to gain an advantage over us, whether it is the United States, Japan, or whether it is the United Kingdom, which, of course, is going to leave.

We need to bear that in mind in anything that we do. On climate change, Ireland is somewhat unusual compared to other countries in that a huge amount of our greenhouse gas emissions come from agriculture. We never had those big heavy industries that other countries have decommissioned and shut down, and achieved their targets in that way. As far as I am concerned, we are a laggard. We need to do a lot more, and one of the things my government will do in the next few months is to publish our year investment plan, our capital investment plan for Ireland over the next 10 years.

Central to that will be the kind of things that we want to do around climate change to make sure we meet those targets in That includes things such as, in transport, electrifying our railways. We only have one small part of our railway that is electrified.

There are lots of things that we intend to do so that we can meet those targets. In terms of the contribution of Ms Dodds, which I very much welcome, certainly I have no wish to see any borders between Northern Ireland and Ireland.

I also have no wish to see any new borders or barriers between Britain and Ireland, or between Northern Ireland and Britain. Certainly, we will do everything we can to avoid any of that taking place. Why not take the hundred per cent? That is something that I work for and something that I hope that politicians from all sides in Northern Ireland will be open to. I hope it is possible for us to have that discussion.

I have worked in Ireland and the United States. I have never worked in Europe or for a European institution. But in relation to small countries, I really have to disagree because I experienced that in a very personal way, not just in relation to the support that we have received on Brexit from the European institutions but also when, for the first time, I attended a European Council meeting of the prime ministers and presidents of Europe. I know some of you who have been prime ministers will have had that experience, but for Council ministers it is very different.

You go into this massive room, you sit there, the ambassador sits beside you, you have six officials behind you and it is a very different experience when you go into the Council of Ministers. I went into the Council of Ministers for the first time last year. I sat around the table. There were no officials there. The only people there were the President of the Council, the President of the Commission and the heads of government of 26, 27 or 28 Member States.

I come from a country that has only 4. Before the European Union, the big countries would get together, decide what was right for Europe, and would tell the rest of us. I am not so naive as to think that a country like Ireland, with 4. But the European Union allows small countries to have a seat at the table when decisions are made, as opposed to having no say at all.

Finally, in relation to Britain, I want to say that Britain is a country that I care a lot about. My parents met, fell in love and got married in England. She still lives there, in London, with my niece and nephew, who are English kids. Young people will lose the right to live, work and study anywhere in the European Union, losing those rights as European citizens. British businesses could lose their access to the biggest market in the world.

Farmers, food producers, even the beer makers that you and I are so fond of, could lose the subsidies that they currently benefit from, which are not guaranteed beyond this Parliament. I am also conscious of British veterans, very brave people who fought on the beaches of France not just for Britain but also for European democracy and for European values, and people like that are always in my mind.

So, notwithstanding the decision to leave, and I respect that decision, I will absolutely fight hard to ensure that we can have a partnership and relationship between the UK and the EU that are as close as possible.

We should conclude a new partnership and a new agreement with the UK. But fundamentally what we have to move away from is any idea that any country can have a relationship that involves taking all the benefits and none of the responsibilities and obligations. I was going to ask a question about climate change but that has been dealt with, so there is no need to repeat it, even though we will have a vote shortly on the renewable energy file, for which I am honoured to be a rapporteur.

My question to him is very simple. He spoke about Ireland being one the most prosperous countries in Europe right now, but unfortunately we have a history of going from boom to bust, and bust to boom. What can he do, as a result of the prosperity we now enjoy, due to good leadership by him and his predecessor, and the cooperation of the European Union, to ensure we do not go into a bust situation again and particularly avoid auction politics at general elections, which has often been the root cause of this?

However, Taoiseach, I do not share your ideology in other ways, so I must also follow that with a plea to you, as Taoiseach of Ireland and as a member of the European political force whose world view and power has most considerably shaped both the emergence of the financial and economic crisis a decade ago and the measures taken in response to it since.

That plea is that you work to mend the frayed social contract that combined together our communities at national and European level. Just as the conflict in the north of Ireland hid inequality and deprivation of basic rights under a cloak of ethno-religious hatred, so today the march of disillusioned citizens draws much energy from the losers of globalisation and the losers of our response to a crisis of globalisation.

Fair taxation — even a modicum of taxation in some cases — might just help us to do what I have already suggested and, who knows, make the case for the retrospective bank recapitalisation that we never saw.

Three things: this morning you spoke of direct democracy. You said it was one of our four challenges. You supported an EU-wide list and the spitzenkandidat.

But Taoiseach, that is representative democracy, not direct democracy. So will you support real direct democracy?

But do you envisage that the commitment we have made will mean increased defence and security spending in Ireland? Finally, tax justice. You said twice this morning the EU cannot act unilaterally. But the EU often acts unilaterally in trying to shape global policy.

Do you see Ireland as having any role in shaping this policy, where all — citizens and multinationals — pay their fair share of tax? Brexit threatens to rip our island apart, dilute rights and freedoms we all enjoy, and stunt the economic and social development of our island. It threatens to harden the border, reinforce partition and undermine the Good Friday Agreement. So therefore I welcome your comments today about a special arrangement for the North being possible.

You must hold firm to this, Taoiseach. You must also commit to a Europe that serves people, not multinationals. But eight members of this newly elected parliament cannot be there right now, sitting in the Catalan Chamber, because they are either in jail or in exile.

So the question is: do you envisage a European Union where honest politicians can be sent into exile or must be forced into jail because they fulfil a democratic mandate? Do you envisage a European Union where, again, peaceful people are beaten by police forces just because they want to vote — to exercise a basic right? Do you envisage a European Union that looks the other way when it comes to democracy and basic rights within its borders?

Paulo Rangel PPE. Speaking as a true federalist and European, that is apparently a romantic and generous idea but it threatens a very delicate compromise among EU Member States. Let me put to you a couple of short questions to stimulate your reflection on this issue. Are you aware that the United States, Switzerland and Germany, which are true and historic federations, do not have a single national constituency?

Are we more Catholic than the Pope? These countries have true, successful histories of integration. Are you aware that this will reinforce the weight of the big states because it is natural that in the first place on each list there will be nationals from the bigger states? This will jeopardise the position of Ireland and Portugal.

You should reflect on these things. Io La ringrazio per il Suo discorso. Ne parliamo, siamo qui per parlarne, avremo un dibattito fra di noi su questo. Io credo che un'equivalenza fra un Parlamento e un Consiglio che diventi un vero Senato europeo, con eguali poteri, con voto a maggioranza, permetterebbe di avere una vera, chiara e trasparente democrazia europea.

Credo che gli aspetti istituzionali siano altrettanto importanti di quelli economici di cui altri hanno parlato. James Nicholson ECR. Taoiseach, your visit is rather timely, given that we have just reached agreement on phase one of the Brexit negotiations, and I welcome the fact that you were able to reach an agreement on that phase one and can proceed to talking about the future relationship within the European Union.

I do not want to return to the borders of the past or the divisions of the past. I listened to your comments, Ms Dodds.

I was very concerned about Brexit for those very reasons, and I certainly hope that we can move forward, east-west, north-south and equally. If we can achieve that one hundred percent you speak about, Taoiseach, then I will welcome that.

Can I say, on a final point — and I hope you will agree with me — that the key to this agreement is to move things forward in Northern Ireland and get the Northern Ireland Executive back up and running again at Stormont. That, Sir, is the key to the future of Northern Ireland and the future of our relationships within the context of Brexit. In , you said there would not be another cent for the banks. This ongoing destruction of billions is the promissory note legacy, a direct result of the full bail-out of an insolvent Anglo Irish Bank, that bail-out at a time of crisis in the EU, a time when Ireland was left isolated on the front line by its so-called friends.

So tell me, what do you think happens if there is another crisis in the EU? In the banking crisis the EU institutions thought nothing about bending and breaking the rules. In the past you said what you said on the banks but you betrayed us. You will attempt to betray us on a neutrality but you will not succeed.

You will not get away it. Taoiseach, the future of Europe, as currently envisioned, is a full federal united states. That is not what we envisioned or looked at when we joined what was a community. You do not have a mandate for what you ask for. Listen to the people. Gilles Lebreton ENF. There are many voices and views, as you have already heard. I am responsible for dialogue with national parliaments, and this is something that we need to do better.

What are your thoughts about how the European Parliament and national parliaments operate, and would you have any guidance or advice for us?

I have to say you have set a high standard for those who come after you, and that is excellent, not just because you are Irish but because it is an important debate. You were disarmingly honest in relation to climate and the actions in Ireland, and we hope and want to make progress.

You were equally frank about where taxation needs to be dealt with, and that is at the OECD level. Mr President, you are also to be congratulated for this initiative. It is a good start to our work here in January that we have the opportunity to have an open and frank debate with the leader of my country, An Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar, and that that process will continue.

I too, like your nephew and niece, was born European, and you very kindly mention the one world city that will be leaving the European Union. I worked in the Northern Ireland Office under the last government. I sat in the meetings with the victims and the families of the victims of the Omagh bombing, and what I witnessed was their incredible dignity.

They did not have anger; they did not have hatred, just a sense that no one should ever go through this again. It was not the common travel area that got rid of the checks on the border: it was the creation of the single market; it was the creation of free movement; it was the values espoused in this place and put into action that removed those barriers.

We should never forget that. And a warning: there are people who just want Brexit at any cost. They will try to undo what was agreed in phase one. Alojz Peterle PPE. More than a thousand years ago, Irish monks reached Slovenians and other peoples in central Europe. Today you are the first prime minister to speak about the future of Europe in the European Parliament. You used three key words: heart, soul and citizens. We can make progress only if the European project is supported by European citizens in all Member States.

Prime Minister, we can agree on many concrete projects, but first of all we need a strong and uniting European narrative. What could, in your opinion, inspire and motivate European citizens for more Europe? British citizens decided in the first referendum without knowing the consequences. They have a right to know the consequences and to have the chance to decide in a second referendum when they are acquainted with the consequences. As the child of a migrant, what would you tell citizens and European leaders about the rejuvenation, regeneration that migrants actually bring to Europe?

How would you impress on the EU Council the importance of full social integration for migrants and for refugees and their children? On taxation, you said that you want a single market that serves citizens and not just corporations and you said that corporation should pay their fair share of taxes and that countries should not be played off against each other.

So, are you in favour of a common cooperate consolidated tax base in the EU so that the race to the bottom does not continue? Will you also push in the Council for a financial transaction tax so that capital is not escaping taxes while citizens and SMEs are overburdened, and so that we will have a level playing field in the single market, and ensure that our own resources for the EU and for our Member States will increase? Esther de Lange PPE. Maybe a good Irish whiskey would help.

At the end of this debate, I would like to thank the Prime Minister for honouring the past but looking towards the future. This is exactly what Europe needs right now.

And it will impact my country, the Netherlands, and we should limit that impact as far as we can. But this — I am glad to say — was not a debate about Brexit: it was a debate about the future. It was a debate about making the centre hold on those issues where we stand no chance of defending our values and interests alone. By only acting alone and by only flying a national flag, as you said, we will in the end all be small Member States. Thank you for your outstretched hand.

We in the European Parliament will gladly take it. I was asked how we can avoid boom and bust again, and I think there are two things here. First of all, it is ensuring that we do not have credit bubbles again in Europe, and the European Central Bank is best placed to do that. It is about reducing our debt so that we can ensure we have the capacity to borrow again in future if we need to, and it is also about setting up a rainy-day fund — which we have set up — to put some of our budget surplus into, to prepare for a future downturn, which inevitably happens at some point.

I think the best thing we can do to put fire back into the engine of social Europe is to build on what was agreed in Gothenburg. We actually agreed a really good political statement in Gothenburg and I would like to see us turn that into reality by using the proclamation made there to guide European legislation in those areas in the years to come. I am delighted to see we are joined by Commissioner Thyssen for this particular part of the discussion.

I think it is a good idea. To be frank, it is our intention to increase defence spending. We are not going to increase defence spending to anything like the level that you see in other European countries, but we intend to do it for two reasons: first of all, because a lot of the members of our defence forces — our air corps, our soldiers, people in our navy — are quite poorly paid.

We are now restoring and increasing their pay and, of course, that involves an increase in defence spending. We also need to replace a lot of out-of-date equipment — our fishery protection vessels, some of our helicopters — so, yes, there will be an increase in defence spending, but it something that we would have been doing anyway even if we were not involved in Permanent Structured Cooperation PESCO.

On Catalonia — one of my favourite parts of the world, and Barcelona is one of my favourite cities — I think the only solution is dialogue, and I hope that the central Government in Madrid will engage in dialogue with the new Government in Catalonia. He makes some good points, notably that the United States, which is a federation, does not have a single constituency for anything.

They elect their president, for example, through an electoral college. But perhaps they should have a single constituency because, on two occasions out of four now, the candidate who got the second highest amount of votes won the presidency.

That, of course, is a matter for them. I am not entirely sure that transnational lists would necessarily benefit big countries because I see what is here in front of me — the heads of groups — and I see that a number of the people who are heads of their groups are actually from small and medium—sized countries.

So why might that not also happen on a list? But I think we have an opportunity now. The UK is leaving, there are seats that are free, so it is possible to have a transnational constituency without any individual Member State losing any positions, and it gives people two votes: one vote for their MEP, who represents them in their region, and a second vote for a European party, challenging people to think about those ideas.

It is a big challenge and I imagine a lot of people would cast a blank vote the first time round. In time, however, people would get used to the idea. I concur totally with what you said about the new relationship and also the need to get the executive and assembly up and running. We really want to drive that forward. That is a way in which I think we can turn a thought into a feeling and really give people in Europe a positive feeling about what Europe can do. Thank you very much again for your contributions.

It has been a real pleasure and a real honour to have the opportunity here to speak to the Parliament and to answer some of your questions. Thank you again. We will work together for a better Europe. Written statements Rule Carlos Coelho PPE , por escrito. Eva Maydell PPE , in writing. The EU has a great body of achievements and we need to defend those that are valuable to EU citizens — such as freedom of movement, solidarity of cohesion policy or the EMU.

But we also need a Europe that is able to change and adapt. We have a historic chance to establish a new relationship with citizens, and the wind is indeed in our sails.

In fact, many Europeans today are asking for a more engaged EU in spheres like migration management, security and defence and even social policy. The agenda that we set today is an indication of what kind of Europe we aspire to — a Europe that protects, a Europe that offers solutions to its citizens in disadvantaged regions, a Europe that has clear and uniform rules for citizens of third countries, an EU that creates stability for its immediate neighbours.

Pilns teksts. Applause And so the Irish people are profoundly grateful for the unswerving support of this Parliament, and in particular I want to thank your President, Antonio Tajani, your Brexit coordinator, Guy Verhofstadt, the leader of the PPE Group, Manfred Weber, and all of the other political groups that have been so supportive.

Applause A Europe worth building is a Europe worth defending and with the launch of the Permanent Structured Cooperation on security and defence PESCO in December, which Ireland was pleased to join, we are coming together to answer new threats in an inclusive way.

This group of old warehouses by the cruise terminal and Santa Apolonia station has been taken over by eateries with terraces facing the river. The main attraction is the view, especially at sunset, always accompanied by a varied soundtrack and a lively atmosphere.

A yellow mansion facing the Santa Catarina viewpoint has a restaurant with a pleasant garden terrace. Here you may breathe in Lisbon and the scent of pine trees , with a view of the castle, the river, and almost the entire city center. Together with a beautiful view of the castle and of the Santa Justa Elevator, it serves cocktails and light meals throughout the day. It serves meals and cocktails throughout the day, and on weekend nights there's the soundtrack of a DJ.

It serves lunches and dinners that curiously mix Italian and Japanese cuisines. This terrace faces Belem Tower, where the Tagus begins to flow into the Atlantic. Many tourists find it by chance, choosing to stay relaxing in the sun with a drink or light meal. Municipal Square is one of the most elegant in the city, and since it has a kiosk serving freshly-squeezed juices, salads, and sandwiches for a meal at any time of the day. The terrace invites you to sit and admire the cobblestone designs and surrounding architecture, to the sound of the passing trams.

It has several meat choices and a vegetarian alternative and good cocktails to enjoy under the palm trees. Half a dozen kiosks were placed down Avenida da Liberdade in , each with its own specialty.

You may find hot dogs at one of them, "the world's best chocolate cake" at another, but all of them offer light meals or simply a quick drink. They belong to several kiosks, each specializing in different world cuisines. They were meant for quick meals, but on sunny days or during the live music concerts on weekends, they invite you for longer stays. When the Ribeira Market opened its food hall in the spring of , it also cleaned up the neighboring Dom Luis I Square.

It has several terraces in front of different restaurants, offering the choice of pizza, traditional Portuguese cuisine, or simply an ice cream in the afternoon. Several terraces belonging to different restaurants stand below jacaranda trees in this square. This romantic garden offers the shade of century-old trees and sunny terraces.

The late afternoon really is the best time to sit here and enjoy the view with a glass of wine or cocktail. It also serves as a meeting point at any time of the day. Standing on a pond facing the Discoveries Monument, this terrace gives you the feeling of being floating on the Tagus. They face not just the Oceanarium, but also the waterfront and the top of the Vasco da Gama Tower.

Which of the terraces you choose depends on your appetite, as each restaurant has its specialty. A escolha depende do apetite, pois cada restaurante tem a sua especialidade. It serves Italian cuisine with a panoramic view of the castle and downtown.

Da esplanada avista-se o castelo, e admira-se a fachada do Teatro D. Maria II e as fontes monumentais do Rossio. You may go for the restaurant's menu for lunch or dinner, or for a snack in the afternoon. They all have a terrace on the cobblestone pavement, with most serving traditional Portuguese cuisine, and specializing in grilled fish.